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Rosemary Bechler 9 August If democracy is to survive, there must be a step change to an empowerment which comes from government by the people. Citizens Assembly on Brexit, This is the fourth part of a 4-part article exploring the concept of the Monocultural National Us in Europe and beyond.
See other parts in Related Articles. So what could work to empower people to find a deeper and more constructive sense of belonging? Is there a way that we can fight back? To take one of my running threads, who and what could unify Brexit Britain? Leavers and remainers — come together Some citizens have tried.
Venandah Madanhi and her fellow activists have an upbeat and ingenious approach to youth organizing. Check them out at OurBrexit.
Then there was a valiant group in Cambridge, which not only brought together Leavers and Remainers, but also town and gown, producing a report over a year ago now, the Cambridge Brexit report. In the useful summary of their findings they threw down the following gauntlet: We must ask ourselves why none of our main political parties, and neither side in the Brexit debate have ever thought to propose and enable this.
If you raise the issue of Leaver and Remainer discussion groups in your local party branch, you are likely to be told, as I have been, that the relationship is too toxic.
That it is the absence of contact coupled with the mounting enemy images that creates the toxicity? For political parties in particular, another factor must be the stranglehold on our political class of the first past the post, winner-take-all electoral system, and the seductions of the Monocultural National Us.
But one day soon they will surely have to choose between this rusty management tool and the empowerment of people. For a few days, they were invited to engage in in-depth discussions on everything from the Single Market to migration policy and these citizens jumped at the chance.
The more technical results are noted here: A brief and compelling discussion of the event in openDemocracy touched on some more general results. Participants were delighted to have been chosen; glad to have access to careful, thoughtful discussion of the arguments for and against different options; and gladdest of all and relieved to realise that they could engage in discussion with fellow-Brits of an opposite persuasion without the ceiling falling in.
It simply showed that, well away from the hyperboles and given a chance, people of very differing viewpoints can coexist and work towards constructive solutions to complex problems.
The exercise necessarily combined three of the lessons learned from conflict resolvers by the solutions journalist, Amanda Ripley; first, complicate the narrative; then, widen the lens: The narrow-lens nudges the public to hold individuals accountable for the ills of society rather than corporate leaders or government officials.
They change their minds. They reach a liveable solution. A deeper democracy We are wrestling with a paradox when we try to identify the role of the Monocultural National Us in our societies today.
The danger of the Monocultural National Us was clearer when war was more popular. It is noteworthy that two of the greatest recent challenges to the democratic status quo were launched from anti-war movements, anti-Vietnam and anti-Iraq.
What we have failed to appreciate since then is the way that state coercion has taken over the field of governance that used to work through consent and filled it with enemy images on all sides — a major reason for the febrile selfishnesses and emotionalisms of our cultures.
So bearing in mind our two case studiesI want to return to the debates with which I beganto draw a tentative conclusion. All of them, if some more obviously than others, are threatened however, by the rise of the Monocultural National Us with which I have been concerned.
To be a liberal you have to stand for four things: You have also to accept that society is inevitably in conflict, materially and morally.What should an electoral democracy ideally look like? In this critical examination of the state of electoral democracy in the United States, Matthew Streb provides an analysis of the major debates that rage among scholars and reformers on subject Is the cure for the ills of democracy more democracy?/5(3).
Al Smith, one of our greatest governors, said, “The only cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy.” New York — the state we love — once led the nation in . Is the cure for the ills of democracy more democracy? Is it possible to have too much democracy in a well-functioning government?
What should an electoral democracy ideally look like? In this critical examination of the state of electoral democracy in the United States, Matthew Streb provides an analysis of the major debates that rage among.
My fellow Marylander, the late HL Mencken, once described democracy as “the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.” I am fearful of how that syncs with the solution of the late governor of New York, Al Smith, who advised: “The only cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy.”.
"The old saying that the cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy is not apt if it means that the evils may be remedied by introducing more machinery of the same kind as that which already exists, or by refining and perfecting that machinery.".
All the ills of democracy can be cured by more democracy. by Alfred E. Smith to help support your positive attitude and positive thinking. The cure for all the ills and wrongs, the cares, the sorrows, and the crimes of humanity, Thank you for visiting: All the ills of democracy can be cured by more democracy.
by Alfred E. Smith.